{"applied_filters":{"end_date":"","lang":"","language":"","network":"","page":1,"per_page":20,"search":"","source":"alhurra","start_date":"","topic":"Magazine","type":""},"available_filters":{"language_choices":[{"label":"Choose Language","value":""},{"label":"Arabic","value":"Arabic"}],"network_choices":[{"label":"All networks","value":""},{"label":"Alhurra","value":"Alhurra"}],"source_choices":[{"label":"All sources","value":""},{"label":"Alhurra","value":"alhurra"}],"sources":["alhurra"],"topics":["Economy & Trade","Iran","Iran Briefing","MBN Agenda","Magazine","Politics & Policy","Security & Conflict","Syria","\u0623\u0645\u0646 \u0648\u0635\u0631\u0627\u0639","\u0625\u064a\u0631\u0627\u0646","\u0627\u0644\u0633\u0639\u0648\u062f\u064a\u0629","\u0627\u0644\u0634\u0631\u0642 \u0627\u0644\u0623\u0648\u0633\u0637","\u0627\u0644\u0635\u064a\u0646","\u0627\u0644\u0648\u0644\u0627\u064a\u0627\u062a \u0627\u0644\u0645\u062a\u062d\u062f\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0623\u0645\u064a\u0631\u0643\u064a\u0629","\u0627\u0646\u062a\u062e\u0627\u0628\u0627\u062a","\u062a\u062c\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0648\u0627\u0642\u062a\u0635\u0627\u062f","\u062a\u0631\u0643\u064a\u0627","\u0633\u0648\u0631\u064a\u0627","\u0633\u064a\u0627\u0633\u0629 \u0648\u0633\u064a\u0627\u0633\u0627\u062a","\u0644\u0628\u0646\u0627\u0646","\u0645\u0627\u063a\u0627\u0632\u064a\u0646","\u0645\u0635\u0631","\u0646\u064a\u0648\u0632\u0644\u062a\u0631"],"types":[["","All types"],["article","Articles"],["media","Media"]]},"has_next":false,"has_prev":false,"items":[{"article_body_paragraphs":["Anand Gopal is cautiously optimistic. Much has happened in Syria since he completed the research for Days of Love and Rage , a sprawling non-fiction narrative about a city\u2019s remarkable efforts to resist the rule of Bashar al-Assad. Covering the city of Manbij\u2019s political and social life from Assad\u2019s rise in 2000 to his regime\u2019s collapse in December 2024 (but focusing most intensely on the developments between 2011 and 2016, at the height of the Syrian Civil War), the book was published this past March. Gopal, a contributing writer at the New Yorker magazine, gives readers a primer on recent Syrian history all through the lens of a mid-sized northern city. The remarkable development of Assad\u2019s fall from power \u2013 which gives the book a satisfying sense of closure \u2013 has ushered in a myriad of questions about the fate of the country under the presidency of Ahmed al-Sharaa.","I think the most striking thing about Manbij today is that people are engaging in politics. Whether that\u2019s debates, organizing political parties, going on protests, that \u2013 more than anything else \u2013 is what was outlawed in the fifty-year dictatorship.","\u201c[The people are] optimistic and they say this is not the kind of government we want,\u201d Gopal says from his New York City home. Although he has now moved on to other writing projects and left Manbij, where he spent time with the community of rebels and citizens over the course of several years, he still keeps up with how they are faring under the different political circumstances. \u201cI think the most striking thing about Manbij today is that people are engaging in politics. Whether that\u2019s debates, organizing political parties, going on protests, that \u2013 more than anything else \u2013 is what was outlawed in the fifty-year dictatorship.\u201d","But there was quite a bit of politics in the northern Syrian city during the Assad years \u2013 it\u2019s just that it was all illicit, swept under the rug. Through the efforts of a few charismatic individuals who come off as unforgettable characters in Gopal\u2019s book, the city managed to emancipate itself from the regime in the summer of 2012. After doing so, Gopal says, \u201call of a sudden the people of Manbij found themselves in a circumstance in which they had to figure out how to keep the streetlights on, how to keep the schools running, how to get the garbage collected.\u201d","These everyday problems became the impetus for an explosion of democratic thinking. The victorious Manbij rebels wanted to implement a representative system of government \u2013 encompassing everything that they had lacked under the Assad regime \u2013 but building consensus about what form this should take wasn\u2019t as straightforward as it seemed.","Soon, there were visible fissures. The Revolutionary Council, formed by figures like the poet and ex-prisoner Hasan Nefi and business owner Abel Os, approached governance in a hands-off fashion, emphasizing liberal principles like freedom of assembly and freedom of the press. As they saw it, in Gopal\u2019s words, \u201cfreedom [meant] being left alone by authorities to do what we want to do.\u201d But they were soon challenged by another group, the Revolutionary Youth Movement, \u201cwhich tended to be more poor and working-class citizens, [and] were saying we need to have some kind of restrictions on the market, and maybe we need to have some means of redistributing wealth from the very wealthy to everybody.\u201d","Khamenei\u2019s Message Exposes Iran\u2019s Growing Domestic Concerns","It was a conflict that was never resolved. An incipient ISIS presence in the city gradually grew until the Islamists seized power in January 2014, bringing this experiment in grassroots governance to an end after 18 months. Gopal stresses, though, that within this time frame, the tensions of figuring out how to implement a democracy were deeply productive in their own right.","\u201cI think people in Syria actually have a lot to teach people in the West about democracy because we identify democracy in a very stilted way. Here was another form of democracy, a more disciplinary democracy that emerged organically. And the protagonists of that story were not political theorists for the most part. Many of them had not read Tocqueville\u2026. They were just participating in daily life and dealing with the exigencies of daily life and realizing the best way often to do that is to do that collectively, where everyone has a voice. So in that sense, I think democracy is as indigenous to the region as it is to anywhere else.\u201d","Tragically, though, this nascent democracy was brought down from inside. The initial effort to empower citizens in the early years of the civil war gradually proved vulnerable to ISIS-associated extremists, who began to infiltrate the city\u2019s political proceedings. Terrible changes gradually accumulated: show trials, inhumane punishments, assassinations for dissenters. \u201cIt is an irony,\u201d Gopal explains, \u201cthat it was in this democratic moment that ISIS was able to come to power, and a lot of democratic revolutionaries were facing real challenges. For example, as ISIS began to assert itself, there were debates about, \u2018Should we ban them, should we outlaw their speech?\u2019 ISIS was using the black flags. \u2018Should we ban black flags?\u2019 Others are saying, \u2018We can\u2019t do that, that\u2019s a violation of free speech.\u2019 And these are very thorny questions that any democracy has to contend with.\u201d","There is freedom of speech assembly today in Syria. You can criticize the government in a way you could never do before. Whether that will persist or whether it will degrade remains to be seen.","When ISIS fully took control of the city, women were hit the hardest. Initially, women were quite active in the political culture of Manbij, with one known as Mina Saba founding a group called Women of Freedom, which staged workshops on figures like Gandhi. During the revolution against Assad, they contributed in ways that allowed the effort to sustain itself at times where the men were demoralized or incapacitated. Of Mina, Gopal says: \u201cShe sees that her revolution is actually a two-front revolution. On the one hand, it\u2019s against the dictator, but on the other hand, it\u2019s also against some of the chauvinistic patriarchal mores that people in the city face.\u201d","But Mina ended up spending many of the subsequent years boarded up in her home with her family, unable to participate in an ISIS-run society. Even so, small acts of resistance continued. One of the more moving scenes of the book features her and other restless women putting on a play making fun of ISIS\u2019s extreme social conservatism to a laughing home audience. Now that Manbij is free from the caliphate\u2019s rule, Gopal says that, \u201cThe effects [of women\u2019s political involvement] are still felt to this day. If you see the role of women in public life in Manbij, some of them still point to the experience of those 18 months and how it emboldened them to take part.\u201d","Gopal\u2019s skill at focusing the story on the circumstances of women in revolution and in democracy shows his most impressive strengths as a writer. He is able to direct attention to the domestic and the intimate in stories that are typically told through the registers of guns and violence. He tells his accounts of the rebels courting their wives with the same intensity as their efforts to form a new government, and carefully chronicles the effects that attaching oneself to a life of protest has on the family.","Manbij was relieved of ISIS by the Kurdish-dominated Syrian Democratic Forces in 2016. Under the watch of the American military \u2013 during a complicated period that led to both the return and displacement of many of the characters in Gopal\u2019s book \u2013 the city is now administered by a city council in a fresh attempt at democracy. On the whole, Gopal says, \u201cSyria today is reaping the benefits of the sacrifices of hundreds of thousands of Syrians who gave lives for some version of freedom and democracy. There is freedom of speech assembly today in Syria. You can criticize the government in a way you could never do before. Whether that will persist or whether it will degrade remains to be seen.\u201d","The views expressed in this article are the author\u2019s own and do not necessarily reflect MBN\u2019s editorial stance."],"audio_source_url":null,"author":"Henry Reichman","available_dubs":[],"downloadable_assets":[],"duration_display":"0:00","duration_seconds":null,"embed_url":null,"id":14141,"image_caption":null,"image_url":"https://i0.wp.com/alhurra.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/09/2019-10-15T123654Z_1529274845_RC15CF86D0F0_RTRMADP_3_SYRIA-SECURITY-TURKEY-MANBIJ.jpg?fit=1920%2C1362&ssl=1","is_clip":false,"is_youtube_embed":false,"item_type":"article","item_type_label":"Article","language_label":"English","media_credit":"Henry Reichman","micro_label":"Photo","micro_label_kind":"gallery","network_label":"Alhurra","network_logo_url":"/static/uploads/direct_network_logos/alhurra_d529a7a850f2.png","published_at":"2026-09-01T16:34:11","published_at_display":"1 Sep 2026, 16:34 GMT","sequence_badge_label":null,"sequence_count":null,"sequence_count_label":null,"sequence_frames":[],"sequence_kind":null,"source_name":"alhurra","source_name_label":"Alhurra","source_type":"scrape","summary":"Anand Gopal is cautiously optimistic. Much has happened in Syria since he completed the research for Days of Love and Rage, a sprawling non-fiction narrative about a city\u2019s remarkable efforts to resist the rule of Bashar al-Assad. Covering the city of Manbij\u2019s political and social life from Assad\u2019s rise in 2000 to his regime\u2019s collapse [\u2026]","title":"Anand Gopal On Democracy in Syria","topic":"Magazine","translation_language":"","url":"https://alhurra.com/en/36994","video_url":null,"youtube_conversion_active":false,"youtube_conversion_error":"","youtube_conversion_status":""},{"article_body_paragraphs":["On Aug. 28, Iranian Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei\u2019s published a message to the Iranian people. The most striking thing about the text was not his calls for investment, domestic production or reduced reliance on the dollar. It may be his warning against open discussion of Iran\u2019s weaknesses.","Khamenei said highlighting those weaknesses could boost the enemy\u2019s morale and worry its friends. The warning offers a window into what concerns Tehran most. When a government fears not only its vulnerabilities but also public airing of them, managing the perception of a crisis can become as important as solving it.","Khamenei\u2019s message is therefore less an economic plan than a political strategy for keeping the conflict from spilling onto the domestic front. The supreme leader knows that missiles are not the only threat to the Islamic Republic. There are other more complicated enemies: inflation, unemployment, declining trade and investment, and, above all, the growing feeling among ordinary Iranians that the war could turn from an exceptional situation into a permanent reality.","That is why his message repeatedly invokes national cohesion, social harmony, combating despair and avoiding the exaggeration of weaknesses.","The supreme leader is not speaking only to the government of Masoud Pezeshkian but also to a society exhausted by years of sanctions, followed by a war that has brought additional pressure and constraints.","If there is one message he wants to convey, it is that the home front has become part of the battlefield \u2013 and perhaps the most sensitive part of it. That is where one of the speech\u2019s strengths becomes apparent.","Khamenei is not acting like a leader who wants to open a conflict within the regime while fighting a war outside it. He has given Pezeshkian clear political cover, praising his government\u2019s performance, his honesty, and his dedication.","The message to conservatives and hard-liners appears clear: This is not the time to turn the government into an adversary. At the same time, Khamenei did not close the door to negotiations with the United States. Instead, he rejected the premise that Iran has only two choices: war or negotiations.","Washington Wants a Sovereign Syria\u2026 But There\u2019s a Catch","Politically, this is a clever formulation. A hard-liner can interpret it as a rejection of submission to Washington, while a pragmatist can read it as keeping the door to negotiations open.","The supreme leader thus retains broad room for maneuver without making a prior concession to either camp. But this tactical strength also exposes a strategic weakness. If the \u201cwar or negotiations\u201d binary is false, as Khamenei says, what is the third option?","Does Tehran want a cease-fire under certain conditions? Does it want to continue the war until it improves its negotiating position? Does it want a partial agreement with the United States? And what can it offer in exchange for lifting the blockade and sanctions?","The message does not answer those questions. The supreme leader can tell Iranians they should not have to choose between surrender and permanent war, but ultimately he must tell them where the alternative path lies.","Here, the message appears to offer the regime a good tactic for survival but no clear strategy for getting Iran out of the crisis. The same problem becomes more apparent when Khamenei turns to the economy.","He calls for increased domestic production and investment, tighter control of imports, greater use of technology, reduced dependence on the dollar and a return to the principles of a \u201cresistance economy.\u201d","But Iranians have heard most of this prescription before. The question is not whether domestic production is desirable or whether reducing dependence on the dollar is useful. The question is why this policy should succeed now if it was not sufficient in previous years.","If Iran wants real investment on a scale capable of transforming its economy, that goal cannot be separated from its relationship with the global economy. Nor can that relationship be separated from the war, sanctions and its relationship with the United States.","This is where the \u201cresistance economy\u201d runs into its limits. It can help the state survive under pressure, but so far it has not demonstrated that it can produce a prosperous economy under permanent pressure.","The most politically sensitive part of Khamenei\u2019s message, however, is his call not to highlight weaknesses and his warning that discussing them could help the enemy.","The statement may sound natural inside a military operations room, but it becomes more dangerous when it turns into a principle for governing a country.","Who decides where criticism ends and support for the enemy begins? If an economist says inflation is out of control, is he exposing a weakness? If an official says the blockade is hurting oil exports, is he boosting the opponent\u2019s morale? If a politician calls for negotiations to end the war, is he threatening social harmony? If a citizen protests rising prices, is he exercising a political right or undermining national cohesion?","At that point, Iranians are not simply being asked to endure. They are also being asked to remain silent. For this reason, it may be useful to read Khamenei\u2019s speech in reverse.","When a leadership talks repeatedly about strength, look for the weakness that concerns it. When it talks repeatedly about unity, look for the division it fears. And when it warns against spreading despair, ask how much despair already exists.","Despite its confident language, the message sounds more defensive than triumphant. If the leadership were completely confident about its domestic position, one would expect it to talk more about the conditions for victory and what the regional order will look like after the war.","But when prices, inflation, unemployment, investment, social cohesion, despair and the need not to reveal weaknesses occupy so much of the supreme leader\u2019s message, it tells us something important: Tehran believes the next battle will not take place only in the Gulf, around nuclear facilities or at the negotiating table. It will also take place inside Iranian society itself.","Even so, it would be a mistake for Iran\u2019s opponents to conclude that the Islamic Republic is on the verge of collapse.","Iran has endured six months of war. State institutions have continued to function, and U.S. and Israeli military superiority has not automatically translated into a decisive political outcome.","That is a strength that should not be underestimated. The regime has once again demonstrated that its ability to endure pain is greater than its opponents often expect. But there is a significant difference between a regime\u2019s ability to endure pain and its ability to convince its people that the pain is leading them somewhere better. Survival is not victory. Resilience is not an economic strategy. And standing up to sanctions is not a substitute for development.","This is the dilemma facing Mojtaba Khamenei at the beginning of his tenure. He wants to tell Iranians that their country is strong, that their economy can withstand the pressure, and that they have options beyond surrender or war. At the same time, he is asking them not to overstate the country\u2019s weaknesses. That formula may succeed in buying the regime time, but it will not solve the underlying problem.","Countries do not become stronger by stopping people from talking about their weaknesses. They become stronger when they can confront those weaknesses, call them what they are, and then change the policies that produced them.","That is why the real test for Khamenei will not be his ability to prevent Iranians from saying that their country is in crisis. It will be his ability to give them a reason to stop feeling that they are living through one.","The views expressed in this article are the author\u2019s own and do not necessarily reflect MBN\u2019s editorial stance."],"audio_source_url":null,"author":"Abdulaziz Alkhamis","available_dubs":[],"downloadable_assets":[],"duration_display":"0:00","duration_seconds":null,"embed_url":null,"id":14142,"image_caption":null,"image_url":"https://i0.wp.com/alhurra.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/AFP__20260825__C6FK9ZR__v2__MidRes__IranUsWarIsraelFuel.jpg?fit=1200%2C800&ssl=1","is_clip":false,"is_youtube_embed":false,"item_type":"article","item_type_label":"Article","language_label":"English","media_credit":"Abdulaziz Alkhamis","micro_label":"Photo","micro_label_kind":"gallery","network_label":"Alhurra","network_logo_url":"/static/uploads/direct_network_logos/alhurra_d529a7a850f2.png","published_at":"2026-09-01T15:09:39","published_at_display":"1 Sep 2026, 15:09 GMT","sequence_badge_label":null,"sequence_count":null,"sequence_count_label":null,"sequence_frames":[],"sequence_kind":null,"source_name":"alhurra","source_name_label":"Alhurra","source_type":"scrape","summary":"On Aug. 28, Iranian Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei\u2019s published a message to the Iranian people. The most striking thing about the text was not his calls for investment, domestic production or reduced reliance on the dollar. It may be his warning against open discussion of Iran\u2019s weaknesses. Khamenei said highlighting those weaknesses could boost the [\u2026]","title":"Khamenei\u2019s Message Exposes Iran\u2019s Growing Domestic Concerns","topic":"Magazine","translation_language":"","url":"https://alhurra.com/en/36984","video_url":null,"youtube_conversion_active":false,"youtube_conversion_error":"","youtube_conversion_status":""},{"article_body_paragraphs":["Earlier this month, the U.S. did something that would have been unimaginable a few years earlier: It removed Syria from the State Sponsor of Terrorism list. Paired with earlier moves to lift sanctions, the decision was framed as a move \u201cto promote Syria\u2019s economic recovery and reintegration into the global economy.\u201d Few actions could have expressed the administration\u2019s genuine interest in helping Syria become a sovereign, stable state more clearly than this one.","Washington wants Syria to normalize relations with Israel, deal with foreign terrorist fighters on its soil, prevent a resurgent ISIS, and eventually take custody of the ISIS detention centers scattered across the northeast. Ambassador James Jeffrey, who coordinated State Department policy on the Syrian civil war, summed up the vision Washington has in mind: a Syria that is \u201cindependent, economically strong, attentive to all its disparate ethnic and religious groups, active in opposition to Daesh [the so-called Islamic State] and Iran and proxies, and can eventually take responsibility for its own security.\u201d Delisting Syria and easing sanctions were the tangible first steps toward that vision \u2013 the kind of gestures that make sense only if the goal really is a stronger, more self-sufficient Syrian state.","Washington wants Syria to become more capable and sovereign, but Turkey wants a major role in Syria\u2019s security, and Israel sees aspects of that Turkish role as a threat.","But the delisting came just a week after Washington had already shown how little it was willing to do to protect that vision. On Aug. 18 Israeli jets struck the Abu al-Duhur airbase in the northwestern province of Idlib. Israel said the strike was intended to stop Turkey from establishing a presence there, and Netanyahu\u2019s office insisted it had warned Damascus repeatedly that a Turkish deployment would cross an agreed security red line. Turkey denied any sort of troop presence at the site, and Syria\u2019s foreign minister described the visit Turkish military delegation visit as routine training cooperation, not the beginning of a base. The action was met with silence in Washington \u2013 except for Tom Barrack, the U.S. ambassador to Turkey and special envoy to Syria, who publicly called out both the strike itself and Israel\u2019s failure to coordinate with Ankara beforehand, framing it as an unnecessary escalation. When President Trump was asked about the incident, he did not condemn Israel \u2013 and, notably, he didn\u2019t step in to defend his own special envoy either.","Israel Clashes with Turkey","Dr. Joshua Landis, director of the Center for Middle East Studies at the University of Oklahoma, argues that Washington\u2019s deconfliction effort is better understood as damage control than as evidence of a functioning mechanism for managing Israeli Turkish competition inside Syria. Washington wants Syria to become more capable and sovereign, but Turkey wants a major role in Syria\u2019s security, and Israel sees aspects of that Turkish role as a threat.","Landis notes that the problem extends beyond Syria itself. Erdogan is intent on expanding Turkey\u2019s regional authority, while Israel is increasingly determined to prevent exactly that. Landis argues that some Israeli politicians increasingly view Turkey as a \u201cnew Iran\u201d (meaning a state inherently hostile to Israel) or potentially as an even more dangerous strategic threat because of its military capabilities, relations with the West, and NATO membership. He observes Syria is particularly vulnerable to becoming a battleground for that competition because of its weakness.","Israel has demonstrated its willingness to operate militarily in Syria, while Turkey maintains a strong presence in the north. Landis says the result could be repeated flare-ups in both parts of the country, turning Syria into the geographic arena where two U.S. partners compete for influence. As a result, Washington is not just managing its own interests in Syria. It\u2019s also mediating between two of its own regional partners.","But if Washington\u2019s answer to each confrontation is simply to contain the fallout after the fact, future incidents will offer little opportunity for resolving the underlying dispute over Syria\u2019s security architecture. Landis sees this as part of a broader pattern, one not unique to Syria: Israel has shown that it wants to exercise the freedom to strike its enemies \u2013 in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, or Iran \u2013 and rather than restraining that behavior, Trump has largely joined it. Landis doesn\u2019t expect that pattern to change in Syria.","Objectives Without Strategy","If Washington wants Syria to become sovereign, it will eventually have to decide whether sovereignty includes the ability to rebuild its military, engage in security assistance from Turkey, and make choices that Israel does not approve of.","Washington wants Damascus to control its territory, secure its borders, and assume more responsibility for its own security. But that necessarily means giving the Syrian government greater capacity to make decisions for itself. Landis observes that the deeper problem is that Syria remains weak while Israel remains militarily dominant. That imbalance gives Israel wide latitude to operate inside Syria. Israel has also made clear that it does not want Syria to rebuild a military capable of changing that balance. Israel is insisting on red lines around Turkish assistance to Syria\u2019s military reconstruction. Landis notes that this creates a fundamental tension in Washington\u2019s stated goal of a stronger, more independent Syria. Damascus and Ankara are looking to Washington to restrain Israel, but so far Washington\u2019s response has been restricted to calling for restraint, diplomacy and de-escalation.","If Washington wants Syria to become sovereign, it will eventually have to decide whether sovereignty includes the ability to rebuild its military, engage in security assistance from Turkey, and make choices that Israel does not approve of. If the answer is no, then Washington is not really pursuing full Syrian sovereignty. Rather, it is pursuing a Syria whose sovereignty remains bound by the security preferences of its stronger neighbors.","The views expressed in this article are the author\u2019s own and do not necessarily reflect MBN\u2019s editorial stance."],"audio_source_url":null,"author":"Abigail George","available_dubs":[],"downloadable_assets":[],"duration_display":"0:00","duration_seconds":null,"embed_url":null,"id":14158,"image_caption":null,"image_url":"https://i0.wp.com/alhurra.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/2026-08-24T192153Z_649812681_RC2R9MA87UDB_RTRMADP_3_USA-TRUMP-SYRIA-RESCIND.jpg?fit=1920%2C1280&ssl=1","is_clip":false,"is_youtube_embed":false,"item_type":"article","item_type_label":"Article","language_label":"English","media_credit":"Abigail George","micro_label":"Photo","micro_label_kind":"gallery","network_label":"Alhurra","network_logo_url":"/static/uploads/direct_network_logos/alhurra_d529a7a850f2.png","published_at":"2026-08-31T11:00:00","published_at_display":"31 Aug 2026, 11:00 GMT","sequence_badge_label":null,"sequence_count":null,"sequence_count_label":null,"sequence_frames":[],"sequence_kind":null,"source_name":"alhurra","source_name_label":"Alhurra","source_type":"scrape","summary":"Earlier this month, the U.S. did something that would have been unimaginable a few years earlier: It removed Syria from the State Sponsor of Terrorism list. Paired with earlier moves to lift sanctions, the decision was framed as a move \u201cto promote Syria\u2019s economic recovery and reintegration into the global economy.\u201d Few actions could have [\u2026]","title":"Washington Wants a Sovereign Syria\u2026 But There\u2019s a Catch","topic":"Magazine","translation_language":"","url":"https://alhurra.com/en/36720","video_url":null,"youtube_conversion_active":false,"youtube_conversion_error":"","youtube_conversion_status":""}],"next_num":null,"page":1,"pages":1,"per_page":20,"prev_num":null,"total":3}